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Contemporary global politics is marked by intensifying polarisation, increasing democratic fragility, digital hostility, and erosion of trust. While multilateral institutions operate through state-centric frameworks, formal agreements alone cannot sustain peace where communicative environments remain adversarial. This paper argues that Gandhian Nonviolent Communication (GNVC), grounded in the principles of Satya (truth) and Ahimsa (nonviolence), represents a form of relational soft power. An ethical communicative praxis capable of transforming adversarial environments into dialogic ones through disciplined relational practice. Departing from conventional soft power theory, which emphasises attraction and symbolic projection. The paper reconceptualises soft power as the transformation of communicative environments through intentional relational engagement. The analysis situates this framework within the normative horizon of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (“One Earth, One Family, One Future”), India’s civilizational vision articulated during its G20 presidency. Drawing on 31 Participatory Action Research (PAR) case studies across 14 countries, along with intervention studies from Yemen, Nigeria, and Uganda, this paper shows how GNVC supports plural coexistence through everyday relational practice. The findings are further interpreted through Amartya Sen’s Capability Approach, repositioning communication as a critical social conversion factor mediating between leadership practices and capability expansion. A Gandhian Communicative Fellows Programme is proposed to embed these principles within youth diplomacy and education systems globally.

The study examines the effectiveness of value education strategies among Grade 7 students using the JoyfulTalisman philosophical framework on human values through action research. Fifty-two students in grade seven from a section were selected. The five pillars of the JoyfulTalisman philosophy were taught through a variety of methods, including guided meditation, web of connections, reflective drawing, film-based discussions, classroom clean-ups, joy box initiatives, gratitude cards and group performances. A pre-test and a post-test were used to analyse students’ conceptual understanding of the topic; later, student observations and reflections showcased behavioural change. The findings showed that kindness, empathy, cooperation and volunteerism have improved. Responsibility was still growing. Collaborative efforts and experiential learning made value education impactful, enabling students to apply values in their daily lives.

Peace-building is increasingly understood as a multidimensional, processual phenomenon rather than a fixed political outcome. In regions marked by protracted conflict, ethnic plurality, and contested governance—such as Northeast India—peace initiatives have often failed due to their narrow focus on security, elite negotiations, or development-driven conflict management. This article develops a general framework for peace-building through a critical synthesis of five scholarly observations drawn from the existing scientific literature on peace studies, development theory, and conflict resolution. The reviewed works include Miller’s (2019) socio-cultural framework of the Bodo community, Ron’s (2009) analysis of peace negotiations in the public sphere, LohaChoudhury’s (2023) formulation of the conflict-to-peace continuum, Singh and Sharma’s (2018) critical inquiry into conflict resolution in Assam, and the practice-oriented dialogue study Conflict Resolution: Learning Lessons from Dialogue Processes in India (Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue & Delhi Policy Group, 2011). Taken together, these studies foreground culture, dialogue, ideology, communication, and inclusive governance as constitutive dimensions of peace. By synthesising these observations, the article proposes an indicative and phenomenological framework that conceptualises peace as a lived, relational, and continuously negotiated condition. The framework contributes to peace-building scholarship by integrating micro-level cultural practices with macro-level political processes, offering a holistic lens for understanding peace beyond accords and ceasefires.

Indian Muslims continue to experience persistent political marginalization despite sustained electoral participation. Unlike other historically disadvantaged groups; SCs, STs, and OBCs, Muslims were excluded from political reservation, while the First-Past-the-Post system further constrains minority representation in the absence of proportional representation. The historical burden of Partition in 1947 and the creation of Pakistan and Bangladesh continues to shape Muslim political vulnerability within India’s majoritarian framework. Empirically, Muslim representation in Parliament has remained awfully low, with the exceptional Seventh General Election of 1980 around 49 MPs. This paper argues that the recent turn towards Muslim identity-based parties under FPTP fragments opposition votes, unintentionally strengthening BJP (NDA). Drawing on constituency-level patterns of Muslim concentration and ghettoization, the paper proposes that strategic political integration within non-communal or secular parties offers a more viable route to legislative representation than electoral separatism.

This paper examines the integration of peace education within the conflict-affected region of Jammu and Kashmir, with a focus on the essential role of education, teachers, curriculum design, and pedagogical approaches. The paper is based on an analysis of peer-reviewed articles and reports from academic journals and case studies. A qualitative research methodology was employed, combining thematic analysis of existing literature and comparative evaluations of various initiatives and frameworks. It also identifies limited empirical evidence on the long-term impact of peace education programs and the need for context-specific strategies tailored to the unique dynamics of Jammu and Kashmir. By integrating peace-oriented education frameworks, the review concludes that there is significant potential for empowering youth, building resilience, and fostering sustainable peace in the region.

The widespread belief that modern youngsters exhibit greater rudeness than earlier generations is frequently inaccurately linked to a decline in corporal punishment. Researches shows that a lot of work needs to be done to teach young people how to mediate between themselves and others. This is important because mediating between students is a much better way to solve problems than having the authority step in and punish them. A lot of the comments we hear about young people today are just the same old “kids these days” thought process. But there are good reasons for it. Many kids don’t get enough chances to learn how to deal with arguments or fix problems on their own because both parents work long hours and often give too much praise. Families are also less close together than they used to be. It’s clear that they aren’t getting enough practice. People think that a lot of kids’ behaviour is rude and  because of this. Based on study, it is thought that punishment and discipline are not very good ways to solve problems. It can be very helpful and successful for educational institutions to offer peer mediation training to settle any kind of disagreement. By giving mediators better skills like active listening, empathy, and working together to solve young people’s problems, we can get to the root cause of behaviour problems and help kids learn how to deal with social problems. This will eventually get rid of the need for physical punishment, and if pilot studies are done correctly, peer mediation programs can be expanded into schools.